Skip Navigation Links
Kurdî » Nivîsar : Joseph Puder: THE FORGOTTEN KURDS OF SYRIA
2010-11-20 14:29

While one may be familiar with the Kurds of Iraq and their suffering under the Iraqi Arab dictator Saddam Hussein, the strife the Kurds of Turkey have endured for decades, and some may even know about the hanging of Iranian Kurds last year at the hands of the repressive Ayatollahs, little has been written about the Kurds of Syria. Like their more “famous brothers” in Iraq, Syrian Kurds have been systematically repressed for as long as the Alawi-Arab led regime has been ensconced in Damascus, and even earlier. To Washington in general, and the Obama administration in particular, the plight of the Kurds has never been a priority issue, what does matter is accommodating the Palestinians and pandering to the Saudis.
Trouble for the Syrian Kurds began with the September 1961 breakup of the United Arab Republic - a union led by Egypt ’s dictator Abdul Nasser that had united Egypt and Syria . In its interim constitution, Syria declared itself an Arab Republic and in reinforcing its ethno-centric Arab identity denied cultural and legal rights to all non-Arab groups – including the non-Arab Kurds. Kurds were required to change their Kurdish names to Arabic and no private Kurdish schools were allowed. All printed materials, including Kurdish books and newspapers, had to be in Arabic rather than in their native Kurmanji (the predominant language among Kurds in Syria and Turkey ).
In the span of 20 years, from 1949-1969, Syria experienced 20 coup plots - nine of which succeeded - and 11 that brought their architects to the gallows or subjected them to a life in exile or in prison. In 1961 the presidency of Syria changed three times. It was held first by Maamun al-Kuzbari who was replaced by Izzat an-Nuss, and then Nazim al-Kudsi took over until the Baathist plot overthrew him in 1963. In 1970, Hafez Al Assad took over in a bloodless coup and his son Bashar Al Assad has ruled since his death in 2000.
On August 23, 1962, the government of Al-Kudsi ordered a special population census for the province of Jazira , a predominantly Kurdish province, which resulted in 120,000 Kurds being categorized as aliens. Their identity cards were taken away thus depriving them of their basic rights - including ownership of property, government employment, the ability to register for school, travel abroad, receive state aid, or even go to a hospital. The Syrian government openly engaged in a campaign of incitement against the Kurds with slogans such as Save Arabism in Jazira! Fight the Kurdish threat! Accusations of their being “Zionist agents” were also leveled against them. The discovery of oil in the Kurdish areas of Syria motivated the Syrians to increase their intimidation of the Kurds prompting many to flee. With the area now ethnically cleansed the Syrians gave the land over to Arabs settlers.

At that same time the Iraqi dictator, Abdul Karim Qasim, was waging a war against the Kurdish Peshmergas, led by Mustafa Barzani (aided by Israel) who was seeking autonomy for the Kurds in northern Iraq . The Baathist government, in 1965, decided to create an Arab cordon in the Kurdish areas and clear the border area (the Jazira region) with Turkey . The implementation of the Arab cordon only began in 1973 under the rule of Syrian dictator Hafez Assad. The Syrian regime then brought Arab-Bedouins in and resettled them in Kurdish areas. Simultaneously, they deported about 140,000 Kurds from their lands to the Southern desert of Al-Raad .
Saddam Hussein’s defeat in 2003, by U.S. and coalition forces, and the creation of the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government in Northern Iraq infused Syrian Kurds with new energy. They demanded autonomy for their distinct people and culture. In March 2004, following an incident at a football game in the Kurdish city of Qamishli and subsequent protests that broke out throughout the Kurdish areas of Northern Syria, “harassment of Syrian Kurds increased further as a result of the demonstrations.” Syrian authorities proceeded to react with lethal force, killing at least 36 people, injuring over 160, and detaining more than 2,000, amidst widespread reports of torture and ill- treatment of detainees. Most detainees were eventually released, including 312 who were freed under an amnesty announced by President Bashar Assad on March 30, 2005.

The discriminatory law - Decree 49 - implemented on 10/09/2008 by the Assad regime makes it a requirement for a license to be obtained for building, renting, selling, and buying property in the Kurdish areas - but licenses are not given to Kurds. This policy is forcing Kurds to move out of their area into the cities. The Syrian regime in Damascus has provided strips of land to Arabs while pushing Kurds out of their indigenous areas. The Syrian government policy seeks to “break up Kurdish geographical and cultural cohesion.”
Ever since the 1963 Baathist takeover (The Baath Party was founded by Michel Aflaq-a Christian, as secular nationalist and socialist party with such catchwords as Arab unity, freedom from colonialism, and secularism. The Arabic word means “renaissance), a state-of-emergency has existed in Syria . While ostensibly the reason was to counter alleged threats from Israel , the state-of-emergency has been used to make arbitrary arrests, imprison political activists indefinitely without trial, ban political parties, and divert all resources to the military while controlling economic activities.

A U.S. Institute for Peace April 2009 Special Report summarized the situation of the Kurds in Syria as follows: “Kurds in Syria have been denied basic social, cultural, and political rights, in many cases stemming from the Syrian state’s refusal to grant Kurds citizenship. Kurdish political opposition in Syria is fractured. Though some join Kurds in other countries in calling for the emergence of a separate Kurdish state, many Kurds reject separatism and have generally been committed to peaceful democratic struggle. Democratic reforms in Syria that improve the human rights situation for Kurds and non-Kurds could go a long way to alleviate the tension between the Kurds and the Syrian State . The problems that Syrian Kurds face cannot be truly solved without an effort both to improve the human rights of Kurds throughout the region, and to foster their political inclusion in their state of residency. The U.S. and the European Union should use any diplomatic tools at their disposal to promote appropriate reforms in Syria and in the region.”

Sherkoh Abbas, President of the Kurdistan National Assembly-Syria (Kurdnas), in a conversation with this writer emphasized the following: “Kurdnas is committed to democracy, human rights, and religious freedom in Syria , and the granting to Kurds their equal rights as citizens. We seek cultural and political autonomy in Syria , but we would prefer a federal state in Syria where Kurds and other religious and ethnic minorities would be able to govern themselves.”

Given the Obama administration’s obsession with the creation of a Palestinian State , it seems rather hypocritical that over 2 million Kurds in Syria and 40 million Kurds in the wider region have been forgotten by Washington . And since the Arabs already have 22 repressive states, don’t the Kurds deserve at least one democratic state or an autonomous region within Syria ? At the very least their case for self determination should carry as much weight as that of the Palestinians in Ramallah or Gaza .
Nivîskarê Mêvan
Ednan Bedredin: Jibo Iraqeka konfederal*
Amir Bayar: “Düşünmeyen ve sorgulamayan bir halk KÜRTLER. ........
İsmail Beşikci: Birey Toplum İlişkileri
Fatih Sevigili: Kürtler, halkların demokratik enayisi mi.?!
Nûri Çelik: Rojbaş - Günaydın!
Amir Bayar: ÖCALAN- 19 Yıl boyunca Suriyede ne yaptı......
Fatih Sevgili: PKK, Kürtlerin örgütü mü?!
Bûbê Eser: Min çawa dest bi nivîsandinê kir?
Vahap Coşkun: Hendeğin sanal savunucuları
Muhsin Kızılkaya: Kurtarıcılardan kurtulmak!
Selim Çürükkaya: Ya boyun Eğ
Bûbê Eser: Kurdên xaîn û xwefiroş!
Dr. Sozdar Mîdî E. Xelîl, (wergera ji erebî, Mustefa Reşîd): Kurdistan û rastiyên dîrokî di çîroka Tofanê da
Yavuz Baydar: Ya ben ya tufan
Abit Gurses: Kanton
Razî Zêtî: Çima kurd ketin nava hikumeta nû ya îraqê?
America Must Recognize Kurdistan
Mûrad Ciwan: BDPyî qasî AKPyiyan rêzê li Barzanî nagirin
İbrahim Güçlü: 'PKK aslında Öcalan'ın söylediklerini yapar görünüyor!'
AKO MİHEMED: Teqezkirina komkujiya rojava li jêr desthilata tekpartî ya PYDê!
Huseyin Sîyabend: AKP ve PKK, diğer Kürt örgütlerini dikkate almamaktadır.
Oya Baydar yazdı: Kürdistan Kürtlerindir
Bûbê Eser: Rewşa Rojavayê Kurdistanê(!)
Dr. Musa Kaval : Stratejiyeke hevbeş ji bo çareseriya pirsa gelê kurd
Îbrahîm GUÇLU: Li Rojavayê Kurdistanê rewşa civakî, çandî, siyasî, hiqûqî…
Emre Uslu: Why would the PKK need a cease-fire now?
Dengir Mir Mehmet Fırat: Kürtçe masal bile yasak! (Neşe Düzel ile söyleşî)
Rêbwar Kerîm Welî: Mesele ne tenê PKK'ye
Îbrahîm Malgir: Xwedê Kurdan ji şiddetê biparêze!
Îbrahîm Malgir: Bawerî û bëbawerîtî!
Ibrahîm Malgir: Cumhûrîyeta Tirkî nehatîye gûhartin!
Îbrahim Malgir: Cizre’de şahit olduğum görüntüler
Mihemed Evdila: Safsataya dualî ya dewleta tirkan û PKK-ê li hemberî doza miletê kurd !
Mahmut Alınak´tan BDP ye "mikroskopik eleştiri!"
Sezgin Tanrıkulu: Türkiye'nin ilk "sivil savaşı”
İbrahim GÜÇLÜ: Türkiye’de vesayet sistemi son buldu mu?
İbrahim Malgir: Kemal Burkay ve Hükümet
Sedat Günçekti : Top şimdi KCK´de
Öcalan’dan itiraf: “Ben Taşeronum”. Öcalan=PKK, O zaman
ABD, Kürtlere mi yoksa PKK’ya mı karşı?
İbrahim GÜÇLÜ: "Tanrı başkanlar"- PKK/Öcalan - "Demokratik Özerklik"...
Gelo “Xweseriya Demokratîk” tê çi mane ye? Ceribandina Başurê Kurdistanê…
Arşevê Oskan: Tirsa pîr û raperîna ciwan
Sedat Günçekti: BDP iki arada bir derede
Mihemed Evdila: BDP-ya ko daye dûv Dicle û Ocalan çi dike?
Rêbwar Kerîm: Bersiveke nû ji bo pirsyareke kevin
Seyîdxan Kurij : Hakkari’de Kürdoloji Konferansı
Barışa indirilen darbe!
Îbrahîm Malgir: Türkler ve Kürtler
Îbrahîm Malgir : Beyanî Baş!
Ali BURAN: GÜNEY Kürdistan'in bağımsızlık koşuları
Îbrahîm GUÇLU: Serokê Neteweya Kurd Mele Mistefa Berzanî nemir e…
Ebbas Ebbas :Çinar
Ebbas Ebbas : Quling
Zinarê Xamo: Tiştê Abdullah Ocalan dike zorbatî ye!
Ahmet Altan: Şerm Bike PKK
Mehmet METİNER: Öcalan tipik bir Jakobendir
Ümit Fırat: Öcalan derin devletle de temaslarını sürdürüyor
Îbrahîm Malgir : Kurd û Dewlet
M.Sanri: Îsmaîl Beşikçî vê carê berê tîrên xwe da tîraniya PKK-ê
Îbrahîm Malgir: Türkçeyi seçmeli ve kürtçeyi resmi dil yapsak ne olur?
Aziz Gûlmûş: Ji alê rastê ve bijmêre!
Aziz Gûlmûş: KîKirKîîî?!
Aziz Gûlmûş : MELLE
Aziz Gûlmûş: ŞORBECÎ
Şerîf Omerî: Operasyona li dijî Roj TV û KNK
Îbrahîm GUÇLU: Hilbijartina Iraqa Federalî û Helwesta Partiyên Kurdistanê…
Apoîzm – HABERTURK - Rizgarî – Heqaret...
Mesele qebûlkirina siyaseta dewletê bû
Firîda Hecî yanê jî: „ Şêr şêr e, çi jin-çi mêre
Ergenekon bi ser ket
Jı bo rêxistineke nû konferansek û di sîstema kevn ya rêxistinî de israr
Figûranek bêcewher çawa dibe “serokekî neteweyî”?
Sedemên rasteqîneyên çalakiyên PKKê…
Selîm ê Netawa Kurd: Selim Dindar
“Şêx Zeynî nûha li tenişta serokên Kurdistanê … rûniştiyê.”
Dîkê sibê
Kurd çima nebûne dewlet?
Arîstokrat û mîrê siyaseta kurd çû ser dilovaniya xwe…
Qublenameya bêdengiyê
Lîsta Goran û opozisyon
Dr. Vet. M. Nûrî Dersimî-Lehengek
Ji bo neteweya kurd derfeta dîrokî û mîsyona neyênî ya PKKê…
Konê Reş: Zilamok!
I.Gûçlû: Dewlet û PKK çareseriya pirsa neteweya kurd naxwazê…
Gurzek Nêrgiz Bo Aramê Dîkran
Devera Barzan: Bîrhatina 26 saliya komkujiya dijî barzaniyan
Kurmancê Çalî: Pêdivîya siyasetvanên turk...